Chalein saath saath: Modi, Obama's op-ed

United States President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the White House. Photograph: MEA India/Flickr

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and United States President Barack Obama wrote a joint editorial in The Washington Post, which appeared on its website on Tuesday.
Headlined ‘A renewed US-India partnership for the 21st century’, the op-ed talks about democracy, robust partnership and Modi’s pet ‘Clean India’ campaign.

Read the complete op-ed here
Here are top quotes from the editorial.
1. Ties between the United States and India are rooted in the shared desire of our citizens for justice and equality.
2. Today our partnership is robust, reliable and enduring, and it is expanding. Our relationship involves more bilateral collaboration than ever before — not just at the federal level but also at the state and local levels, between our two militaries, private sectors and civil society. Indeed, so much has happened that, in 2000, then-Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee could declare that we are natural allies.
3. The true potential of our relationship has yet to be fully realized. The advent of a new government in India is a natural opportunity to broaden and deepen our relationship.
4. This will be an agenda that enables us to find mutually rewarding ways to expand our collaboration in trade, investment and technology that harmonize with India’s ambitious development agenda, while sustaining the United States as the global engine of growth.
5. We will discuss ways in which our businesses, scientists and governments can partner as India works to improve the quality, reliability and availability of basic services, especially for the poorest of citizens. In this, the United States stands ready to assist. An immediate area of concrete support is the “Clean India” campaign, where we will leverage private and civil society innovation, expertise and technology to improve sanitation and hygiene throughout India.
6. As nations, as people, we aspire to a better future for all; one in which our strategic partnership also produces benefits for the world at large.
7. As global partners, we are committed to enhancing our homeland security by sharing intelligence, through counterterrorism and law-enforcement cooperation, while we jointly work to maintain freedom of navigation and lawful commerce across the seas.
8. The promise of a better tomorrow is not solely for Indians and Americans: It also beckons us to move forward together for a better world. This is the central premise of our defining partnership for the 21st century. Forward together we go -- chalein saath saath.

TN's Panneer, the first chai-wallah to become chief minister

September 28, 2014 21:50 IST

 
O Panneerselvam is the first chai-wallah to become chief minister in the country.
Gujarat's Narendra Modi, the better-known chai-wallah to become chief minister, followed Paneerselvam around a fortnight later in 2001.
The parallel should end there, says N Sathiya Moorthy.
It is the second innings for O Panneerselvam, or 'OPS', to be named 'interim chief minister' of Tamil Nadu -- if that is the phrase -- and under near-similar circumstances.
Whether he completes the chief minister's job until assembly polls become due in May 2016 or not would depend mostly on the future course of the 'disproportionate assets' case against ruling All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam chief J Jayalalithaa, and a host of intra-party affairs between now and then.
Whatever that be, Panneer, seen above, with J Jayalalitha, is the first chai-wallah to become chief minister of any state in the country. A graduate, he owned a tea-shop in his native Periyakulam in the hilly and scenic Theni district of Tamil Nadu.
Gujarat's Narendra Modi, the better-known chai-wallah to become chief minister first and the nation's prime minister over a decade later, followed Panneer around a fortnight later in 2001 -- September 23, 1001, and October 7, 2001 respectively.
The parallel should end there.
So should the parallel between the circumstances under which Panneer became CM.
In 2001, the Supreme Court held then governor Fatima Beevi -- incidentally, the first woman judge of the apex court -- swearing in Jaya as chief minister, ab initio void.
The court held that only Jaya's sentence in the TANSI case remained suspended during the bail period, but not the conviction in the corruption case. Her disqualification to continue as a legislator or contest a seat after being sentenced for over two years was cause for disqualification under Section 8 (4) of the Representation of the People Act, RPA.
Independent of this case or any other, the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government would soon amend the RPA. Under the new Section 8 (1), mere conviction in a corruption case would disqualify a legislator, for six years after completing the prison term.
Should the appeals courts uphold Special Judge Michael D'Cunha's four-year prison-term sentence for Jayalalithaa (which commenced with his verdict on Saturday), she would not be able to contest elections for 10 years in all.
For this, the period out on bail would not be considered as the sentence period.
In the normal course, Jayalalithaa thus would not be able to contest the assembly elections in 2016 and 2021. She cannot also contest the parliamentary polls, in 2019 and 2024, the latter falling a few months ahead of the completion of her bar-term under the normal circumstances.
Jayalalithaa would be 78 by then.
 
As Panneer becomes CM, it is likely that former Tamil Nadu chief secretary Sheela Balakrishnan, one of the names that were being fleetingly mentioned to take Jayalalithaa's place after the latter's conviction, may continue as an advisor to the state government.
Image: Policemen prevent an AIADMK supporter who tried to immolate himself in Coimbatore in protest over Jayalalithaa's conviction. Photograph: PTI photo
Under the changed circumstances, she may function as the coordinator between Jayalalithaa and the Panneerselvam government, shuttling between a prison in Karnataka and Chennai.
The last time Panneer was CM, Jayalalithaa was out on bail and staying in her Poes Garden residence in Chennai. As reports said at the time, he would visit her morning and evening, discuss government decisions and take 'instructions.'
Under the changed circumstances, it might not be feasible, considering that Jaya might continue in a Karnataka prison until granted bail. Protocol too might demand otherwise.
To be precise, the AIADMK questioned the propriety of then DMK chief minister M Karunanidhi calling on MDMK chief Vaiko, charged under the anti-terrorism law, at the Vellore prison in the state. The circumstances are different, however.
Questions might remain as to how an official of the state government, even if a retired chief secretary functioning as an advisor, could visit the inmate of a prison, that too in another state.
As coincidence would have it, on Sunday, Sheela Balakrishnan could not meet with Jaya at the Parpanahara Agraharam prison in Bangalore owing to technicalities. It might be overcome on Monday, when Sheela/Jaya apply to the authorities concerned for permission for such a meeting.
As an A-Class prisoner, Jaya is also entitled to possible concessions in the time-span and frequency for such meetings.
Yet, it is likely that even if Jaya were to be granted bail, the courts might direct her to stay out of Tamil Nadu, and possibly stay under the jurisdiction of the Karnataka high court.
Sure enough, her defence could be expected to argue that as the party boss, she would have to continue attending to the day-to-day functioning of AIADMK affairs, address rallies and organise conferences, all within Tamil Nadu, particularly during the crucial run-up to the 2016 assembly polls.
Constitutional impasse
Panneerselvam would be sworn in as chief minister by Governor K Rosaiah on Monday, September 29. It is likely that Jaya might want him to retain much of her outgoing government.
With that would end the Constitutional impasse caused by Jayalalithaa's statutory removal from office, as soon as the Bangalore verdict was pronounced.
After all, the Founding Fathers could not have been expected to imagine situations such as this, for them to prescribe instant solutions.
Incidentally, Rosaiah, a former Congress CM of the neighbouring, undivided, Andhra Pradesh, is the only governor nominated by the erstwhile Manmohan Singh government, not to have been sacked by the Narendra Modi government at the Centre.
Loyalist number two all through
After being promoted as chief minister from being the revenue minister after his first successful outing in the assembly polls, Panneerselvam has retained his accidentally thrust-upon number two slot in the party and government, after Jayalalithaa returned to power in March 2002, with a clean-chit from the Supreme Court.
Over the past 12 years, he has remained possibly the only AIADMK leader to have retained his position under the Jayalalithaa dispensation. He is considered both a loyalist, confidant and Jaya's primary trouble-shooter, particularly in district party affairs.
This has given him an aura of being irreplaceable at that second slot, since. His choice as the CM now is also a message to his Kallar sub-sect from within the numerically strong and traditionally militant 'Mukkulathore' community, which has been with the party since the late superstar politician, the M G Ramachandran, founded the AIADMK since 1972.
 
That Jayalalithaa's confidante, Sasikala and the latter's sister-in-law Illavarasi and estranged nephew (who also used to be Jaya's foster son for a time), V N Sudhagaran, belonged to the community cannot be overlooked.
Image: Sasikala Natarajan, left, with J Jayalalithaa
Though in this case, there is nothing to suggest that Panneer was close to Sasikala's controversial husband M Natarajan, who had been sidelined from AIADMK affairs almost completely, if only over a period.
Among the three co-convicts of Jaya, Sudhagaran is the grandson-in-law of the late thespian of Tamil cinema, Sivaji Ganesan. Illavarasi was married to Sasikala's brother. Sasikala has her voter-id card and ration-card entries made at Jaya's 36 Poes Garden bungalow.
Though details of Judge D'Cunha's verdict is not available in full, this might be a factor that could have weighed with the court. Under the amended Section 13 of the Prevention of Corruption Act, any 'public servant' (which Jayalalithaa was) or anyone 'deemed close to a public servant' (which Sasikala's acknowledged address could prove) could be punished under the law....
Thereby hangs a tale.
N Sathiya Moorthy, veteran journalist and political analyst, is Director, Observer Research Foundation, Chennai Chapter.

N Sathiya Moorthy in Chennai

Causes of High SGOT

  I have already scheduled tests to determine the cause of a SGOT count of 430. I would appreciate information as to the possible causes of this condition. All other levels are within or close to normal range. Thank you.
__________
An elevtaed SGOT usually is a reflection of damage to liver ceels.  Hepatitis due to virus or drugs is the most likely cause.  A value this high would probably not be due to alcohol-induced liver damage.  I am surprised that your other liver tests are normal.  An elevated SGOT is always associated with an increase in SGPT and GGT.  If the SGPT and GGT are normal, then your increased SGOT may reflect muscle damage, a less common cause for the elevation.  You need to talk with your physician to learn the levels of the other liver tests
HFHSM.D.-rf

SGOT

SGOT: Serum glutamic oxaloacetic transaminase, an enzyme that is normally present in liver and heart cells. SGOT is released into blood when the liver or heart is damaged. The blood SGOT levels are thus elevated with liver damage (for example, from viral hepatitis) or with an insult to the heart (for example, from a heart attack). Some medications can also raise SGOT levels. SGOT is also called aspartate aminotransferase (AST).

Amla Murabba

5/5 stars  100% LIKED IT

2 REVIEWS ALL GOOD

Added to 49 cookbooks This recipe has been viewed 123669 times

   2

This is an invaluable winter preserve. Amlas (Indian gooseberries) are abundantly available during the winter months. You will find amla trees in several parts of Rajasthan and a large quantity of this fruit is used to make preserves. Whole amlas simmered in a cardamom and saffron flavoured syrup is one of my personal favourites. There are several traditional recipes for making this murabba. Some soak the amlas in alum (phitkari) overnight whilst others sun-dry amlas. I find it easiest to cook the amlas in boiling water to get rid of all the bitter juices. The entire process takes about 2 to 3 days. First, the amlas are simmered in a thin sugar syrup and left aside for 2 days during which the amlas slowly and gradually soak in the syrup. On the third day, amlas are removed and the syrup is boiled again to a thick honey like consistency. Thereafter the amlas and the flavouring are added. The thick syrup helps in the preservation of the murabba and also complements the sharp and acidic amla taste. I am sure you will enjoy this recipe as much I have enjoyed making it for you.
Add your private note Preparation Time : 10 mins.
Maturing Time: 2 days.
Cooking Time: 1 hour 15 mins. Makes 2 1/2 cups. Show me for servings

Ingredients

20 (500 grams) amlas (indian gooseberries)
2 1/2 cups (500 grams) sugar
1/4 tsp cardamom (elaichi) powder
a few saffron (kesar) strands

Method

1. Wash the amlas thoroughly. Prick them with a fork at regular intervals.
2. Boil plenty of water in a pan, add the amlas and boil for 10 minutes over a high flame. Drain and keep aside.
3. Dissolve the sugar in 3 cups of water and bring the syrup to a boil. Add the amlas and cook over a slow flame for about 30 to 40 minutes or until the amlas are soft.
4. Allow the mixture to cool completely. Keep covered in a cool dry place for at least 48 hours so that the amlas soak in the syrup.
5. Drain the amlas from the syrup, boil the syrup with cardamom powder and saffron till it reduces to a 2 to 3 string consistency. Add the amlas and simmer for 3 to 4 minutes.
6. Allow to cool completely.
7. Bottle in a sterilised glass jar. Store for upto 6 months dry in a cool place.

Xi's visit exposes chinks in India's China policy

September 23, 2014 17:51 IST

'China made it evident that neither the swing-ride at Ahmedabad nor the red carpet at New Delhi worked, by timing its muscle-flexing in Ladakh to coincide with Xi's visit,' says B S Raghavan.
It is imprudent to imagine that China, or any country for that matter, can be won over by effusive or exuberant overtures or by the grandeur of the reception during State/official visits of heads of States/governments.
Countries are, will be, and should be, hard as nails when it comes to protecting what they regard as their own national interests. This maxim most of all applies to China which is self-willed and whose successes in political consolidation, social engineering and economic regeneration have coloured its policies and stances with self-importance and self-righteousness.
None among world leaders went as far as Jawaharlal Nehru did to prop up China as an emerging great power: He went all out at Bandung to build up Zhou en Lai; he handed over Tibet to China on a platter; he extolled the two countries as bhai-bhai; he looked the other way when China was gobbling up territory under the suzerainty and control of India; he kept canvassing for China's admission to the United Nations even after it inflicted the humiliation of 1962.
In the final reckoning did any of these work? No. Similarly, nothing of all that was laid out for Chinese President Xi Jinping during his visit to India will work; indeed, China made it evident that neither the swing-ride at Ahmedabad nor the red carpet at New Delhi worked, by timing its muscle-flexing in Ladakh to coincide with Xi's visit.
So, the best approach to China is not to waste time, effort and money on public relations extravaganzas, but to deal with it on a strictly professional and dignified plane, maintaining a degree of reserve and gravitas, and putting in public domain what India regards as the minimum essential guarantee it expects from China for harmonious relations based on mutual respect.
In doing so, India should not worry about any impact on investment from China. The kind of money pledged is a pittance compared to India's requirements.
In any case, Foreign Direct Investment constitutes a minuscule part of India's economy. If only India capitalises on the huge advantages it has in terms of the domestic market, unorganised sector and the rural potential (to cite just a few examples), ensures proper maintenance of its existing infrastructural assets and works them to optimal capacity, raises its project management capabilities and improves its work culture, it can add three to four percentage points to its GDP without expending a single rupee.
It is futile to run after the niggardly amounts these much hyped visits fetch without first eradicating the weaknesses within. Persistence of those weaknesses will make the amounts coming from outside go down the drain as well.
India cannot win against world players on their terms and in battlefields of their choosing, and, therefore, should do what Japan in the years after the World War II did quietly and without fuss: Develop its inherent strengths to the full by tapping the enormous treasure house of talents and skills it is.
Nor need India hanker after technology from abroad. Again, Japan is a good example of what judo strategy (converting one's vulnerabilities into strengths) can do for a country.
India's scientific community and domain professionals are second to none, and freed from the shackles and strangleholds of the outmoded and colonial systems and attitudes, and given clear and firm directions as to what is expected of them, they can achieve miracles.
Take nuclear technology, for instance. The so-called civil nuclear deal is a red herring. India's present nuclear power generating capacity is less than four per cent of the total installed capacity, and even if India dilutes the liability criteria and the US, Japan, China, Russia and France line up to supply us nuclear plants for the asking, there is no way nuclear power component can become a significant factor.
If India has to go in for nuclear power at all, the right and relevant technology is the one based on thorium of which it has the world's largest quantity in nature ready to be extracted. It can score over all other countries in this respect. The technology is within its reach, but has gone by default because of ignorance and lack of will, as also want of encouragement to the scientists in the field.
Likewise, India's scientists can master any other technology too. Thus, it is not such a critical factor as to compel the government to pull all stops to keep countries like China or Japan in good humour.
India's policy towards China is burdened by many other blinkers. First is the belief that the route to an amicable settlement of the border dispute is through expanding economic and trade relations.
For China, what it has repeatedly declared to be its 'core interests' are immutable, inviolate and inviolable, and the first among the core interests to which it attaches paramount importance is preserving national sovereignty, territorial integrity, security and unification (the reference, presumably, is to Taiwan) and no amount of sops from any of the countries affected by its unilateral prescriptions will mollify it or make it soften its stand.
India should understand this, and insist on first getting the border dispute resolved by a no-nonsense enunciation of what it considers its core propositions: a. Until the dispute is resolved, China must stop printing and publication of maps depicting its version of the disputed areas; b. There should be no official pronouncements questioning the status of areas which are integral part of India, such as Arunachal Pradesh; c. Denial of visas or discriminatory practices, such as issue stapled visas, must cease; d. The process of demarcating the border must be given a start within a stated time frame.
China must be made to realise that it has no monopoly of core interests. Over a period, China has been adding to them, making them out of bounds for the rest of the world, and adopting aggressive postures to enforce its own modern-day version of the Monroe Doctrine.
At one stroke, China has brought the South China Sea and Yellow Sea and entire Korean peninsula within its sphere of influence; it has enlarged the scope of maritime domination in strategic waters that connect northeast Asia and the Indian Ocean; and it has asserted its interventionist rights over whatever has a bearing on its 'core interests.'
It may have a sobering effect on China if India also draws up its own list of inviolable, immutable core interests and asks China to adhere to them. An illustrative list: Acceptance of Jammu and Kashmir as an integral part of India, no nuclear truck with Pakistan, no recognition of Pakistan's right to part of Jammu and Kashmir in its occupation, respect for borders, no dealings with Bhutan and Nepal without India too at the table, no tampering with established passport and visa procedures, no dumping.
It is time India did its own thing, without being bothered about what China or any other country, may think. There is nothing that China is doing -- whether it is 'string of pearls', grants and aids to other countries or whatever else -- that India cannot do after its own fashion and within its own competence.
It need not be lip-reading China and regulating its course on what would pass muster in China's (or American) eyes. On the contrary, it should forge and assert its policies and strategies on its own independent evaluation of its role and importance in the regional and global context.
Image: Chinese President Xi Jinping greets Prime Minister Narendra Modi at Rashtrapati Bhavan in New Delhi. Photograph: MEA/Flickr

B S Raghavan